“Professionalism, integrity and accountability”. How quickly a catchphrase becomes a curse. This tyrannical tricolon has hung spectre-like over the first six months of Rishi Sunak’s administration, driving important figures from government on an almost routine basis. The latest to be sacrificed at the altar of accountability is of course Dominic Raab, the PM’s erstwhile loyalist deputy, after it was concluded he could not stay on in light of the findings from Adam Tolley KC’s bullying probe.
Still, despite the rather customary nature of Sunak’s sleaze-based cabinet exits, there is something plainly different the latest departure.
The bitterness of Raab’s resignation letter, the lack of apology, the 1000-word confutation rapidly lumbered onto the Telegraph website — it suggests a level of acrimony not seen in Sunak’s other “accountability” offerings. In November, Gavin Williamson resigned “with real sadness” but little furore; and while a sacked Nadhim Zahawi slighted the “fourth estate” during his undoing in January, the fallout here was similarly swift.
But Dom dared to be different with his Liz Truss-style account of his defenestration. Writing for the Telegraph (the favoured publication of the recently disassembled), Raab argued variously that the saga was “Kafkaesque”, that “normal rules of evidence and procedural fairness were “disapplied”; and that the decision sets a “dangerous precedent” for “officials to target ministers who negotiate robustly on behalf of the country”.
In this anti-Tolley tirade, Raab even acquired the tacit support of his old boss. Replying to Raab’s resignation missive, Sunak said he viewed events with “great sadness”, adding: “It is clear that there have been shortcomings in the historic process that have negatively affected everyone involved”.
Ultimately, the PM’s promise to pursue probity at every level of government meant Raab’s fate was somewhat predestined. Even if Sunak’s instincts suggested Raab should stay and fight — as they might have done — his repeated “professionalism” commitments narrowed his room for manoeuvre significantly. While Boris Johnson worked to bury Priti Patel’s bullying allegations, Sunak has made a point of trying to do things differently: today, it has cost him his most loyal cabinet footsoldier.
Raab: victim of a civil service coup?
It is no secret that Sunak’s tenure as prime minister has been characterised by an extended, and at times fraught, political balancing act. In this way, Raab, as a right-winger and committed Brexiteer of long-standing, was an important part of the PM’s party management machine. Back in October — having lent on Raab’s support during the summer leadership contest — his appointment as deputy PM sent a pointed message to those quarters still suspicious that Sunak was a Cameron-style softie. In short: with Raab his number two, Sunak could flex his right-wing credentials.
So with Raab duly departed, a damaging narrative regarding the government’s ideological trajectory may begin to take hold — with a faceless government bureaucracy accused of driving a key right-winger out of government.
Indeed, it is a view of events already gaining some traction: “I really do worry that if this is the new approach, a scalp of a Conservative minister by various civil servants — I think it’s quite a dangerous precedent, if I’m honest”, South Thanet MP Craig Mackinley told the Telegraph.
“It already feels in many areas of civil society that it’s unelected people ruling the roost rather than those who are elected to decide, and perhaps here’s another example. In future if you disagree with a Minister just stick a complaint in and get rid of him!”, Mansfield’s Ben Bradley told PoliticsHome.
Questions may even begin to emerge over why Sunak couldn’t have fought for the future of his loyal number two more forthrightly. The PM knows he is at risk of being viewed as in hock to the civil service “blob” — it is probably why he highlighted “shortcomings” with the way Raab’s case had been handled.
Still, a showdown between the Conservative party and the unelected elements of our government has been building for some time now.
Leaked WhatsApp messages from January displayed the high level of hostility some Conservative MPs feel towards sections of the civil service. Commenting on the prospect that civil servants might block government attempts to ignore European Court of Human Rights rulings, Ipswich MP Tom Hunt said: “All of the unelected civil servants who are attempting to block the democratically elected government should either be fired or named”.
Lee Anderson, now Conservative deputy chairman, replied: “Going against the state is Treason. Surely”.
The renewed post-Raab assault on the civil service comes, crucially, just as the government has pivoted further against the ECHR. Following negotiations with the “Common Sense Group” of right-wing Conservative MPs last week, the home secretary is set to announce amendments to the illegal migration bill which would empower the government to “disregard” interim injunctions from judges in Strasbourg. It is the latest signal that the ideological energy, right now, is with the Conservative right.
And just as Conservative MPs on the party right view Raab as a victim of the rabid excesses of a civil service set, their fears will grow that a critical mass of bureaucrats may get in the way of right-wing policy measures — especially on the ECHR — down the line.
RaaB’S LONG SHADOW
It just so happens that Dominic Raab was viewed as warming to an even more radical government stance on the ECHR. In February, during justice department questions, Raab stated: “We have made it clear that we would not rule out ever withdrawing from the ECHR in the future”. It wasn’t quite the government line — which stressed its continued commitment to the European court.
Furthermore, Raab’s “British Bill of Rights” passion project was crafted to challenge the supremacy of the ECHR in the UK. When it was first introduced under Johnson, ministers said it would prevent judges in the Strasbourg court from interfering in the government’s policy to deport asylum seekers to Rwanda. Raab had newly revived the policy under Sunak after it was abandoned by Liz Truss back in September.
With a reputation for disruptive policy, the Conservative right will view Raab’s resignation as an ideological concession to a manoeuvring civil service. Attacks on Whitehall from Conservative MPs will therefore intensify, at this crucial juncture, with Sunak set to radicalise his ECHR positioning.
New attempts to force the civil service to ignore the Court’s rulings will potentially mark an even more testing phase in the long-running conflict between Whitehall and the Conservative right. Crucially, the latter will readied for a brawl — motivated by the memory of their new martyr.
